Date of publication: 2017-08-26 14:02
Whatever Roosevelt's reasons for his decision, the moderate conservatives Teagle and Kirstein were privately pleased with it. They believed the National Labor Board now would fall by the wayside. They were in effect abandoning a government agency they had played a major role in creating. Yes, history, like life, does have its little ironies, and in this case the irony allows me to distinguish my views from those theorists who make "the Rockefellers" sound all-knowing and all-powerful. They do make mistakes, they do screw up, and they do sometimes lose. But it didn't look that way at the time to at least some members of the Rockefeller industrial relations network. As Teagle wrote to Kirstein in a private note in April 6989:
Contrary to those who think that the unions might have done better if they had had their Communist organizers to aid in the struggle, especially in the southern states, I don't think they would have mattered much at all. By then there were plenty of non-Communist activists who were just as determined. It was the strength of the corporate community, the dominance of Congress by the conservative coalition, and the racial, ethnic, and religious divisions among workers that were too much to overcome for the best of activists at that juncture.
Rockefeller's original idea was to hire King to direct a new Department of Industrial Relations within the Rockefeller Foundation, an idea that was immediately criticized by reformers and journalists as a blatant misuse of nontaxable family money to further the interests of the corporate community. The proposal was quickly abandoned and Rockefeller hired King out of his own pocket, a practice he continued with his future efforts in managing class conflict.
The memorandum further claimed that union organizers were using the act to argue that employee representation plans had been "outlawed," but the memorandum then reminded readers that "The bill states otherwise, and employers and employees should bear in mind that employee representation plans are specifically named in the act as a recognized form of 'labor organization for dealing with employers concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay, hours of employment, or conditions of work,' and employers and employees should be prepared to maintain before the Labor Board and in the courts their right to continue friendly relations" (Memorandum to Clients, No. 68, pp. 6-7).
8775 Party leaders convince their partisans in the mass public to resist informative messages from the mainstream media and ideologically hostile outlets, and instead rely more on ideologically friendly new outlets. 8776
Most of my preceding analysis has focused on the comparison of Asians with Jews, and I have pointed out that based on factors of objective academic performance and population size, we would expect Asians to outnumber Jews by perhaps five to one at our top national universities instead, the total Jewish numbers across the Ivy League are actually 95 percent higher. This implies that Jewish enrollment is roughly 655 percent greater relative to Asians than should be expected under a strictly meritocratic admissions system.
Morality is also a key theme because of the link with Puritanism. Puritans believed that only through dedication and work could they get to God, and so all leisure activities were banned. This is why Parris was so shocked when he found the girls dancing in the forest. The irony comes from the fact that it is because of the Puritans’ strong beliefs that they are so capable of immoral acts. Essentially, because Puritan law was so strict, it was not possible to follow it all the time. This leads to feelings of guilt, as well as easy to prove accusations of immorality.
When trying to understand journalism, I often spur my brain along by analogizing journalism with science. And here there is very useful, and recent data:
8. Journalism, in order to fulfill its mission of helping the largest number of people possible to make informed decisions, is inherently populist. Those beholden to corporate America misrepresent populism as liberalism and so influence conservatives to subsume facts and truth to the party line. They thus convince people to support causes NOT in their best interest.
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Do we need to put some ideas on the table that can account for the short periods of increasing trust, or do we have all the ones we need already? (This is hodgier-podgier than what I 8767 m used to seeing from Pressthink.)
On #7, I 8767 d like to add the effect that the Republican/Democrat, liberal/conservative, left/right, etc dichotomies have: they perpetuate divisiveness and while the populace is busy arguing with one another, the powerful get to do what they want without supervision.
Act II begins in the relative calm of John Proctor's house, where he is eating dinner with his wife, Elizabeth. It emerges that there are now fourteen people that have been arrested by the court. Proctor is upset by the hypocrisy of forcing people to confess in order to avoid hanging. He tells Elizabeth that Abigail told him that the dancing had nothing to do with witchcraft. Elizabeth, initially encouraged by this information, soon realises it meant that John and Abigail were alone together, and suspects that the affair between the two may not have ended. John accuses Elizabeth of placing him constantly on trial, whereas Elizabeth says that John is judging himself. This foreshadows the later trial of John Proctor.